With all the current press about sleaze in the Conservative Party it is worth remembering that Grant Schapps is alleged to have recused himself from the original DCO decision because he appeared in front of the cameras with the "Save Manston Airport Association" in the past.
MP offers 'moral support' to Manston Airport campaigners - BBC News
So the original decision was made by Andrew Stephenson however Many people were concerned that the decision to grant the DCO was somewhat perverted because the Examination Report recommended refusal.
One wonders whether the Department for Transport made the decision simply because they wished to please the Minister (Grant Schapps) as he has a love of general aviation.
Now with the revelations being posted in the media one wonders if there is more to it than a love of general aviation.
The accusation by the Secretary of State of malpractice has been denied however if true it does seem the reason for the granting of the DCO was made, not on the facts, but on the whim of a love of aviation which is hardly the way to run a State Office. (extract of letter, original at the end)
There is a precedent for stopping disused airfields from being built on and in this case caused the loss of 6000 jobs.
Further in an article published in the Times of 13/11/2021 reproduced below and available here
"Between 2012
and 2018, he submitted a series of objections, often on parliamentary headed
notepaper, to proposed development at Panshanger, describing it as a community
asset which could “never be replaced”. Homes England is now selling the site
and the lease to the local flying club has been terminated.
Forced to
migrate to a makeshift runway on a field near his home, he joined campaigns to
prevent other airfields being built on elsewhere.
He returned
to the cabinet in July 2019, when Johnson became prime minister. Despite voting
Remain, he campaigned for Johnson and was rewarded with a plum post overseeing
transport.
In a letter
to Deirdre Hutton, then chairwoman of the CAA, he said his “key priorities”
included “supporting the success of the aviation industry ... including by
protecting the network of general aviation airfields” and “proactively advising
aerodromes faced with possible changes of use [planning applications] which
could constrain future flying”.
Asking a
regulator to protect airfields from planning applications was unusual and
Hutton told him as much. Shapps disagreed, telling her he wanted Britain to
become the “best place in the world for aviation”.
Shapps has
since redoubled his campaigning. He has set up and diverted public money to a
new team housed within the CAA: the Airfield Advisory Team, which, official
documents state, was designed with one goal in mind: helping private airfields
lobby against, or “engage with”, the planning system. Shapps has described its
work as “crucial”."
Whilst having an interest in aviation itself is not an issue, if true, this pervasive taint of "saving" brownfield sites (contrary to the wished of Boris Johnson and Michael Gove) instead of using them for building instead of land to grow crops would seem to fly in the face of Government edicts.
One wonders also whether the Westminster breakfast meetings organized and paid for by Riveroak Strategic Partners (RSP) has added to the pressure on the Secretary of State and whether RSP have made promises to the DfT which may have lead to the payment of £8.5M to RSP for "delaying" their plans for the ex-airport. This payment does seem somewhat perverse seeing as the DfT knew the DCO was about to be quashed.
You will note payment made just 6 days before the DfT concedes and payment was made on the say so of just one unknown person.
Whatever is going on and how much is Grant Schapp's influence over decisions that should be based on facts not wishes is unknown however those elected should live by higher standards (Nolan Principles) in their Public Lives than they currently seem to be lately.
Letter from Angela Rayner to Boris Johnson
Reproduced full article from Times 13/11/2021
In the final days of the parliamentary recess in September,
Grant Shapps made an unorthodox journey for a cabinet minister. The transport
secretary flew solo in his personal plane from a farm near his Hertfordshire
home to Sywell, an aerodrome in Northamptonshire.
Shapps, 53, was there for the rally of the Light Aircraft
Association: an annual jamboree for aviation enthusiasts from across Europe.
Having obtained a licence in his twenties, he remains a flying fanatic and the
proud owner of a £100,000 Piper Saratoga.
Shortly
after arriving, he went to chat with the editor of his favourite magazine,
Flyer, which represents the interests of amateur pilots, including campaigning
to block development on Britain’s private airfields.
Shapps told
him: “Because I was reading your last month’s edition, I had sent a message to
my office at DfT and asked them to invite you in so you can challenge on some
of these things ... to see what else we should be doing.” The minister joked:
“We’ll even have coffee!”
Perhaps it
is not a surprise he has brought his boyish enthusiasm for flying into
government. It may even appear an advantage, giving him knowledge of a niche
and technical area within his remit.
However, it
has had far-reaching effects in Whitehall, secretly pitting him against the
prime minister and frustrating efforts to build more homes and tackle climate
change.
His
department is quietly spending public money funding lobbying against the
government’s own housing plans where development would take place on private
runways — including some he has personally used.
As a result,
Homes England, the housing agency overseen by Michael Gove, has already
withdrawn plans for a new town with thousands of homes in one of the most
housing-stressed areas in the country.
The
lobbyists are also battling against plans to build a battery gigafactory on
Coventry airport. Boris Johnson has praised the development and it is supposed
to deliver thousands of jobs while helping Britain to achieve its net-zero ambitions.
According to flight traffic data, Shapps recently flew his plane on to the
airfield.
He has set
up a scheme that lets private pilots claim public money for new equipment, and
allegedly lobbied against a looming ban on a kind of toxic fuel used by his
aeroplane.
His love of
aviation has taken up valuable time in a department with a budget of £3 billion
whose recent responsibilities have included dealing with post-Brexit trade
disruption, delivering protective personal equipment from abroad, overseeing
HS2 and building roads and rail infrastructure.
It is even
said to have undermined the government’s response during crises such as the
collapse of Thomas Cook, which heralded the biggest repatriation since Dunkirk.
At the time
of the holiday firm collapse, in September 2019, the then chairwoman of the
Civil Aviation Authority (CAA), the aviation regulator which belongs to his
department, was forced to ask Shapps to stop demanding staff time to discuss
amateur aviation. Shapps allegedly “backed off”, and let the CAA grapple with
its biggest peacetime crisis.
Tension
persisted during the early days of the pandemic, when Shapps was regarded by
some civil servants as going awol and dedicating more time to his hobby than
the imminent peril facing airlines. It is even claimed the chief executive of
one airline considered writing a public letter demanding he focus on the task
at hand.
A civil
service source said bluntly that he remained “obsessed” with general aviation.
The obsession began in 1995 when Shapps, then a photocopier salesman in his
early twenties, obtained his pilot licence. He married, bought a printing
business, and endured cancer, but remained a devotee of the world of general
aviation or “GA”, the recreational use of aircraft.
Since 2005,
he has lived in and represented Welwyn Hatfield, a London green-belt
Conservative seat with a majority greater than 10,000. For years he lived a
15-minute drive from Panshanger airfield, a former RAF training site.
Under David
Cameron, Shapps grew in stature: having seized his seat from Labour, he was
appointed to a housing role in the shadow cabinet. In 2010 he became a minister
and, in due course, Conservative Party co-chairman.
He found
himself in the wilderness once Theresa May became prime minister and turned his
political focus to his longstanding love. In 2017, he was appointed chairman of
the all-party parliamentary group on aviation, and campaigned relentlessly
against the scourge of recreational pilots: planning applications to build on
private airfields.
He argued
the hobby had reached a “critical point” as “more of our airfields disappear
under housing developments and more of our common airspace is closed off”.
Between 2012
and 2018, he submitted a series of objections, often on parliamentary headed
notepaper, to proposed development at Panshanger, describing it as a community
asset which could “never be replaced”. Homes England is now selling the site
and the lease to the local flying club has been terminated.
Forced to
migrate to a makeshift runway on a field near his home, he joined campaigns to
prevent other airfields being built on elsewhere.
He returned
to the cabinet in July 2019, when Johnson became prime minister. Despite voting
Remain, he campaigned for Johnson and was rewarded with a plum post overseeing
transport.
In a letter
to Deirdre Hutton, then chairwoman of the CAA, he said his “key priorities”
included “supporting the success of the aviation industry ... including by
protecting the network of general aviation airfields” and “proactively advising
aerodromes faced with possible changes of use [planning applications] which
could constrain future flying”.
Asking a
regulator to protect airfields from planning applications was unusual and
Hutton told him as much. Shapps disagreed, telling her he wanted Britain to
become the “best place in the world for aviation”.
Shapps has
since redoubled his campaigning. He has set up and diverted public money to a
new team housed within the CAA: the Airfield Advisory Team, which, official
documents state, was designed with one goal in mind: helping private airfields
lobby against, or “engage with”, the planning system. Shapps has described its
work as “crucial”.
The team
leaders are private consultants brought in from outside government and given civil
service salaries.
Around the
same time, Shapps created a £2 million fund allowing pilots and airfield
operators to get free management consultancy from a Texas-based international
lobbying firm, ICF Consultancy Services, on how to, among other things,
successfully object to planning applications. He has called it the Airfield
Development Fund
Documents
show the new team has lobbied against plans to build homes over private runways
and plans put forward by the government. Private lobbyists employed by the
government are now lobbying against the government.
In some
instances, the lobbying frustrated Johnson’s central objective of building
homes outside of London. On May 25, 2021, Homes England withdrew plans for
3,000 homes at Chalgrove, an airfield in South Oxfordshire, to “take account
[of] comments from the . . . airfield advisory team”.
The team had
lodged formal objections to the plans, declaring “protection of airfields is a
priority for [the] DfT”. Last night, Homes England accepted they had pulled the
plans while emphasising the urgency of building homes in that area.
Homes are
not the only instance in which Shapps’s decisions conflict directly with the
priorities of the government he represents.
As part of
its commitment to tackling climate change, the government have long sought to
phase out a highly toxic and dangerous substance, tetraethyllead, which forms
part of the fuel used in planes similar to Shapps’s. Last April, however,
Martin Robinson, head of the biggest group representing aircraft owners and
pilots, contracted Shapps asking if the government could extend a transition
period before an eventual ban. He says the transport secretary responded: “On
it.”
Last month,
British regulators confirmed they would not place the substance on a list of
substances of “very high concern”, marking one of the most significant cases of
divergence from the EU rules since Brexit.
Shapps has
also funded a scheme allowing pilots to claim money for 50 per cent of the cost
of buying specialist kit for their planes. Since last year, the DfT, and, in
turn, the taxpayer have covered half the cost of purchases of “electronic
conspicuity” equipment, which allows planes to see each other in mid-air.
Around the
time Shapps started his post, a senior civil servant is said to have asked him
what his main priority was. Shapps responded: “Protecting general aviation.”
Homes
England said the planning application at Chalgrove airfield “has been withdrawn
to allow an amended application to be submitted to take account of comments
from the Civil Aviation Authority’s Airfield Advisory Team”.
It
emphasised its intention to resubmit plans in light of the “considerable
housing shortfall”.
A Department
for Transport spokesperson said: “It is right that the transport secretary
works to promote all aspects of the department’s brief including the general
aviation sector.”
Sources said
the Airfield Advisory Team was an “advisory team”, not a lobbying body, that
helps to liaise with organisations to ensure “informed decisions can be made by
local planning authorities”.
They said
Shapps responded to a lobbyist’s requests by emailing his office reminding them
he wanted to see “action” on removing lead from fuel. Doing so, the sources
suggested, would facilitate a future ban on the dangerous chemical.
The
government provided a statement from John Holland-Kaye, the chief executive of
Heathrow airport. He said: “The biggest thing aviation has needed in the last
18 months is to get borders open safely again and Grant Shapps has worked
tirelessly to deliver this.”
Response from Grants Schapps
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